German Noch So: Scalar Degree Operator and Negative Polarity Item

An approach pioneered by [1] relates polarity sensitivity to semantic triviality. [2], [3], and [4] let unlicensed negative polarity items (NPIs) yield contradictory presuppositions or implicatures. In these proposals, an NPI requires the asserted proposition to be stronger, or less likely, than certain alternative propositions. This requirement is designed to be satisfiable in licensing contexts only. The present paper describes a problem for applying such a contradiction based anlaysis to the German expression noch so, a polarity sensitive degree operator. It is first shown that under standard assumptions about gradable predicates and degree operators, a contradiction based account is straighforward to state. It merely requires a minor innovation concerning the nature of alternative propositions: where in previous work propositions are generated by alternative predicates or domains restrictions, noch so invokes propositions generated by alternative degrees. However, while such a contradiction based account helps derive polarity sensitivity of noch so, it is shown not to capture the contribution to meaning it makes in cases where it is licensed. An alternative analysis is presented, designed to capture this contribution. This analysis, however, does not without further assumptions derive polarity sensitivity. Ways of reconciling the requirements imposed by the distribution of noch so and its perceived contribution to meaning are discussed, although with no conclusive outcome.